KARACHI, Pakistan, Dec. 5— Two days before Pakistan's most important election, no telephone rings in the multicolored tent that is the third‐ward head quarters of one of Karachi's leading slates. There is no telephone.

“When we want to talk to someone we run and get him,” explained Abdul Khaliq, a textile designer on the campaign staff of the Pakistan People's party of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, whose supporters describe his program as “Islamic socialism.”

Politics, Pakistani‐style, is blend of Western techniques modified by conservative Islamic law and usually limited by meager financial and technical means.

Yusuf Haroon, one of the country's wealthiest industrialists and publishers, who is campaigning for his brother named Said—the opposition in the Karachi ward—prides himself on his modernity.

Said Haroon is independent but is allied with the Pakistan Moslem League, the party of the former President, Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan, who resigned in March, 1969.

The Haroon camp has a telephone. It has engaged a public relations expert to tell Said Haroon what to put on his posters and on what street corners to campaign.

Race Considered Close

Yusuf Haroon said he was encouraged by what he saw in the faces of his mass audiences, but impartial observers rate the contest between Said Haroon and Abdul Sattar Gabol, lawyer on the Ali Bhutto ticket, too close to predict.

The Haroons have controlled the 190,000‐voter ward for 40 years. But the other slate, telephone or not, has made great inroads in the desperately poor constituency of laborers and artisans, promising to redistribute the wealth.

Both tickets have a lot at stake. The election is for 300 members of an assembly to draft a constitution that would be the first democratically drafted charter since Pakistan became independent in 1947. The members would then sit as the country's first representative national assembly.

East Pakistan and West Pakistan, created out of two Moslem areas of India 1,000 miles apart, have different languages and cultures. The Bengali East and the Punjabi West are run by the central Government in the West, The Bengalis have long felt that the Punjabis have discriminated against them.

With almost all of East Pakistan's votes all but conceded to the popular political leader there, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the parties that do best in the West will have the biggest voice in joining or blocking Sheik Mujibur's campaign for East Pakistani autonomy. Many believe that the drive, if frustrated, could lead to secession of the restless province, which has 75 million people, 20 mil lion more than the West.

Possible Presidential Candidate

Ali Bhutto is considered likely to win a key share of the vote in the West. Yusuf Haroon is mentioned as a possible civilian candidate for President if Gen. Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan, the President, decides to turn over his position to a civilian after the election and drafting of a new constitution.

To get out the vote, the two major slates and a dozen minor tickets have been going from house to house to give each voter a card listing his district and polling number—plus the name of the candidate to vote for and his party's symbol.

Under Islamic separation of the sexes, women canvassers approach women voters and the men keep to the men. With Islam forming the bond that led to the creation of Pakistan out of Hindu India, the worst charge a candidate can hurl at an opponent is that he is a bad Moslem.

All Bhutto's opponents in West Pakistan have charged that his Marxist‐Maoist economic proposals contradict orthodox Islamic practice. Mr. Bhutto's supporters accuse Yusuf Haroon of being a “United States agent” because he lives much of the time in New York.