BANGKOK, Thailand, Aug. 24—Bangladesh moved toward another phase of violence and chaos over the weekend when stanch supporters of the country's assassinated leader, Sheik Mujibur Rahman, began to regroup into an underground movement.

The members were understood to have vowed to slay every political figure and army officer remotely responsible for the murder last week of the founder father of the nation and more than 20 members of his family and political associates. Other evidence indicated that a conflict was building within the army between senior commanders and the group of young majors who planned the coup without the knowledge of their superior officers.

The young majors, who still command armored and other field units, are ensconced with about 200 men and a number of tanks within the walls of the presidential palace. Senior commanders are reported to be trying to persuade them to withdraw from the political arena and return to their normal duties.

A spokesman for a newly formed underground movement asserted that hundreds of the late President's admirers had taken an oath not to rest until the mass murder had been avenged.

Speaking by telephone in Dacca and identifying himself by a code name used during the 1971 liberation struggle against Pakistan, he said: “The regime claims that the Sheik was corrupt and unpopular. But millions of people in the countryside loved him and we have taken an oath not to rest until everyone remotely responsible for the mass killing last week has been executed.”

The spokesman reported that the Mujib Bahini, or Mujib Army, the paramilitary organization formed during the 1971 liberation struggle and disbanded after independence, was being reformed to avenge Sheik Mujib's death. “We have arms hidden away and we will not rest until the assassins have been destroyed, even if we have to start another guerrilla war,” he said.

Meanwhile, Western diplomats said they believed that a sharp clash might develop within the armed forces if negotiations between senior commanders and junior officers who are apparently guiding the new regime fail or a second coup might be in the offing.

All evidence indicates that the new President, Khondakar Mushtaque Aliened, was not aware of the plans of the disgruntled group of majors to assassinate Sheik Mujib.

Nearly every, member of the new 21‐man Council of Ministers was closely associated with Sheik Mujib, and they are all long‐standing members of the Awami League, the former ruling party.

Apparently the young leaders of the coup, motivated partly by personal vendettas against Sheik Mujib's family and partly by allegations of corruption surrounding the former regime, decided to reinstall most of the old Cabinet as a stopgap measure in the hope that foreign powers would extend quick recognition to an established civilian government.

Political Changes Demanded

However, many of the majors supporting the coup are reported to have refused to return to their normal duties unless they are given guarantees that there will be far‐reaching changes in the political establishment. They are also asking for guarantees that they will not be punished for acting without the consent of their senior officers:

The story of Sheik Mujib's death, according to information considered reliable, started about a year ago when the wife of the leader of the coup, Maj Sharifid Huq Dalim, was insulted at a wedding at the Dacca Club by the son of a chairman of the Bangladesh Red Cross, Ghazi Ghulam Mustaffa, a close associate of Sheik Mujib and a member of the executive committee of the Awami League. The infuriated major is reported to have slapped the son's face.

The major was subsequently assaulted by members of the Rakkhi Bahini, a paramilitary force loyal to the President, and, the account continues, was dismissed on Sheik Mujib's instructions.

Resentment had already been building in army. Young officers who had given up their careers in the Pakistani Army to participate in the liberation struggle in 1971 were superceded by junior officers, equipment was restricted and pay scales fell short of those in Pakistan.

At the same time, the account goes, Sheik Mujib began to lose the support of the urban and military elite as he identified himself with the state and attempted to establish a cult of “mujibism.” In January he abandoned parliamentary democracy, establishing a one-party political system and setting himself up as a virtual dictator.

Officers Join Plot

The President continued to ignore charges of corruption surrounding his family and began to install his immediate relatives in powerful positions in the Government and the ruling party, touching off fears that he was about to establish a dynasty. His brother‐in‐law, Abdurob Seriabad, who also was slain, was brought into the Cabinet; his nephew, Fazhul Huq Moni, allegedly corrupt and certainly hated, was appointed with cabinet rank to the executive committee of the ruling party, and other relatives were elevated to senior government posts.

As the charges of nepotism and corruption began to undermine Sheik Mujib's popularity among literate urban Bengalis, Major Dalim, according to the sources, began to plot with other dissatisfied serving officers and with former colleagues who had been forced out of the armed forces by friends and members of the President's family.

They included Maj. Farook Rahman, commander of the Bengal Lancer Regiment, which was assigned to guard Sheik Mujib's private house in the Dhanmondi suburb of Dacca shortly before the coup; Maj. Abdul Hafiz, the brigade major of Dacca cantonment; Maj. Abdur Nur; Maj. Badul Rashid; a Major Huda and Maj. Shariar.

Striking on a Thursday night, which normally is set aside for night maneuvers, Major Farook and other officers moved one and a half regiments of armor out of Dacca military camp through the slumbering streets of the city toward Sheik Mujib's home.

Shooting Awakes City

Only after tanks were seen moving through the deserted streets did senior army officers suspect something was amiss. Some sources suggest that senior commanders began to telephone each other to establish who had given the orders for the move. But it was too late. At 5.30 A.M. Friday Dacca was jolted awake by the crackle of small arms and mortar fire in the vicinity of Dhanmondi.

The Lancer troops on guard outside the President's home saluted as they allowed their commanding officer, apparently accompanied by Major Rashid and Major Huda, to enter the, house. Apparently one of the President's sons returned fire with a Stengun as a skirmish between troops and bewildered police guards broke out.

Army contingents struck simultaneously at the house of the President's nephew, Fazlul Huq Moni, 400 yards away, and at the house of his brother‐in‐law, Abdurob Seriabad.

When the shooting ended 20 minutes later, Major Dalim had settled his score. As far as can be determined, no one with connections with Sheik Mujib's family was alive in Dacca.

“It was the logical conclusion,” a disillusioned admirer of Sheik Mujib commented. “He had become a megalomaniac.”

The former admirer said that when a friend attempted to warn the President 24 hours before his death that his family was in danger, he shouted: “I do not need advice. I know what's going on. I have informers in every village who love me. Nobody will take over from me. I will die in office.”