1971-09-25
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Karachi: In the past Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto has flourished on dilemmas. This time it is different. The brittle, unpredictable, intensely power-conscious politician from Sind now faces a situation where he will either go all the way to the top or be thrown all the way out.
The Awami League’s emergence after the December election as a solid party commanding absolute majority in the national assembly had upset Bhutto as much as it had upset army hawks in Islamabad. It has since become common role in liquidating the effects of that election in East Pakistan and handing the province over to the predatory troops.
When President Yahya Khan announced a "general amnesty earlier this month. Bhutto was again deeply disturbed. His worry was whether Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would be among those released, for only if the Sheikh continued to remain outside the political picture would he, Bhutto, be the undisputed leader of the national assembly to be called upon to form a government as and when power is transferred to civilian hands.
Bhutto has left little doubt about his impatience. While other political party leaders are against any transfer of power by the military until such time as it is possible in both wings of the country simultaneously, Bhutto wants it now. And he wants it to be “full, complete and total” If the military is not willing to do so, he has threatened to launch a mass movement in the western wing for the vindication of people’s rights, as he puts it.
Bhutto’s hurry may at least in part be due to his realisation that his People’s Party is facing a threat of disintegration. Wealthy landlords vie with peasants’ and workers' leaders for leverage in its top echelons. Differences came sharply into focus early this year when Bhutto suspended from party membership Sahibzada Ahmed Raza Qasuri, a young lawyer who was a student hero and who had been elected to the national assembly as a People’s Party candidate from near Lahore. Another recent defector was Mukhtar Rana, a prominent labour leader from Lyallpur.
There is considerable coffee-house discussion here over whether the military government will yield to the pressure tactics of Bhutto. Perhaps a way out will come automatically following the government’s decision to adopt a constitution drawn up by “experts” and hold by-election in East Pakistan.
If Bhutto still insists on agitation, an ugly situation could result. Even popular backing for a movement led by him cannot be taken for granted. True, there is widespread desire for parliamentary democracy and an end to martial law, but, after all, the People’s Party polled only 35% of the votes in December ; more than 60% going to rightist parties.