1971-03-21
By Sydney H. Schanberg
Page: 208
DACCA, Pakistan—“If you are united, there is no power on earth which can prevent you from getting Pakistan.”
These words were spoken to a Bengali crowd in East Pakistan 25 years ago by Mohammad All Jinnah, head of the Muslim League and father of the unlikely two‐ part country known as Pakistan, whose east and west wings are separated not only by 1,000 miles of Indian territory but also by their different cultures and languages.
Pakistan came into being in 1947, a year after the late Mr. Jinnah's speech, but if the East Pakistanis ever shared any of his feelings of unity, that day Is long past. The two wings are now confronting each other like two enemy countries.
In this recent escalation of animosity, the 75 million Bengalis of East Pakistan, led by Sheik Mujibur Rahman, have taken de facto control of their province, defying the martial‐law regime imposed here by the central Government in West Pakistan and obeying only the directives of the Sheik and his Awami League party.
The armed forces, an instrument of West Pakistan, have reinforced their garrisons in the East; tension Li high and many Bengalis fear an army bloodbath to prevent them from gaining independence, or even a large measure of self rule. Clashes between civilians and West Pakistani soldiers erupt occasionally.
Gen. Yahya Khan Army Commander‐in‐Chief and the President of Pakistan since he took over as martial‐law ruler after the fall of the Ayub Khan Government amid bloody riots two years ago— has flown here from the West to try to resolve the crisis through talks with Sheik Mujibur.
The talks are really moving now, after several days of little discernible progress. But few details are known, and it is difficult to tell what formula of self ‐ rule will emerge to satisfy East Pakistan's determination to end the long domination and economic exploitation by West Pakistan.
The Sheik's Student and worker followers have been screaming for total independence since early this month, when West Pakistani troops killed scores of Bengali civilians.
The Bengalis had been staging protest demonstrations against President Yahya's last ‐ minute postponement of the National Assembly, in which more populous East Pakistan had won a clear majority in national elections last December.
Shelk Mujibur would settle for something just, short of independence—perhaps for two largely self‐ruling regions and a central government with powers restricted to defense and some foreign policy matters.
The present speculation— and in this mercurial situation it could change over night—is that the talks will produce some temporary arrangement for transferring power from the military to civilians. This could mean the establishment of interim governments in each of the five provinces (the four provinces of West Pakistan, plus East Pakistan) until the National Assembly, now re scheduled to convene on Thursday, adopts a new constitutional structure, for the country.
After the Army killings early this month, the Sheik made some new demands, including immediate transfer of power to the people's representatives and the lifting of martial law. It is expected that martial law will be softened, if not lifted, during the interim period.
The confrontation across the bargaining table in Dacca is ironic in that Sheik Mujibur and President Yahya are not enemies. General Yahya was the first Pakistani President to acknowledge the West's exploitation of the East and to try to do some thing to end it by holding elections according to the one‐man, one‐vote procedure, which gave East Pakistan the dominant voice.
That comprehension of East Pakistan's grievances is one reason for hope for a break in the deadlock.